I’m not quite as quick on the draw with blog posts as I used
to be. There’s just more things for me
to be thinking about at the moment, it seems.
But I wanted to go back to an article from a couple of weeks ago and
question some of the assumptions – or maybe more accurately the inferences I
think readers were meant to make.
The first thing to note is that I’m sceptical about the
validity of claims based on these kinds of FOI responses. It can be very difficult to compare year on
year spending – particularly in the last few years when substance misuse
budgets (or at least the representation of them) will have been hugely affected
by the movement from NHS to local authorities.
But more substantially, there’s an implication of causality:
that these areas are seeing higher drug-related deaths because they’ve made
deeper cuts.
I’m not sure that holds, as this wouldn’t just be about the
level of cuts, but the way they’ve been implemented. From my perspective, if a drug treatment
service could only do one thing, it would be needle exchange. If it could do two, I’d add in a simple, low
threshold methadone maintenance service.
And that isn’t just my personal preference; that’s because those
interventions are the most evidence-based for reducing overdose, crime, and
illness or even death from blood borne viruses like HIV and Hepatitis C.
Of course, there’s an argument to be made that you collect
evidence about things you’re interested in, and so we have evidence on these
things because that‘s what government was interested in the NTA era. But that’s a side issue. The main point is that if you were making
cuts you could (should?) still maintain the key services that keep people alive.
But that sentence reveals another key assumption: if you
were making cuts. The fact is that all
local authorities are making cuts because the funding they receive from central
government is being slashed and public health in particular should be worried
given the current proposal to fund all their activity (which includes things
like sexual health services, health visitors and school nurses*) from local
business rates.
And historically it’s the more deprived areas (which are
those more likely to have drug deaths because of multiple inequalities) that
receive a bigger chunk of their funding from this centrally-allocated pot. So when these cuts hit, it’s not just that
drug treatment is hit; every service is hit harder than in more affluent areas,
which are less reliant on central funding to start with, and also more able to
top up their funding through business rates and council tax.
What I mean is, the key thing that links areas of high drug
related deaths and high levels of budget cuts is simple: deprivation.
To be fair, this is exactly the point that Alex Stevens makes in the
article, but I worry that the tone of the article is kicking local councils on
one thing where they don’t deserve it, and then letting them off the hook on
another.
The tone is that cuts lead to drug related deaths, and maybe
they do, but I’m not sure these stats show that and actually I think that in
terms of the evidence and the cost of some interventions, it’s easier and
cheaper to keep someone alive than it is to get them into ‘recovery’ – partly
because we don’t have so much evidence to guide us (if we could agree on what
‘recovery’ is).
That is, the cuts aren’t local government’s fault, and so
they shouldn’t be hammered for that; but how they implement the cuts is
their decision, and instead Colin
Drummond seems to suggest that approaches to treatment were centrally
mandated.
Another factor in rising drug mortality, said Colin Drummond, from the Royal College of Psychiatrists, was the coalition government’s decision to treat heroin users with methadone less often and with lower doses, which he described as “political interference in what is essentially a clinical issue”.
He cited examples where “people disengaged from treatment, stopped taking methadone, went back to street drugs and then overdosed”.
I was never convinced by the emphasis the Coalition
Government, and Iain Duncan Smith in particular, placed on ‘full’
recovery and the
wonders of residential rehab, but my experience was that these statements
came from central government at the same time as the NTA lost its teeth and any
practical control over local treatment decisions. That is, central government might have talked
about ‘full recovery’, but there was no barrier to local areas maintaining harm
reduction services and sticking to Orange
Book and NICE guidelines on methadone
maintenance and needle
exchange so long as there was the will from officers and elected officials
within the council.
So kick councils on how they’ve implemented the cuts by all
means: have they made methadone maintenance and/or needle exchange less
accessible? Is that evidence-based? Is it appropriate? If they’ve maintained it, what has it been at
the expense of?
But don’t kick them for making cuts to treatment, or for the
perfect storm of the wider cuts and changes to the welfare state that mean
overdose and death is more likely. Think
also of housing, benefits, mental health, wider healthcare. (Not to mention that people are simply
ageing, and having to deal with the long-term consequences of a lifetime of
smoking.) Those factors are just as much
(or more?) at fault for rising drug-related death rates as the cutting of a
group work programme from 5 to 3 days a week.
Of course, you might have read the article with none of
those assumptions and reactions. It just
touched a nerve with me as a local authority commissioner. I’m happy to defend our decisions about how
we’ve managed the cuts to our budget, but don’t ask me why we’ve cut the
budget, as that’s not my decision.
Very nice Will I agree with every word and sadly I suspect it is going to get worse. LA budgets are likely to get squeezed further unless the electorate can understand the link between having good services and having to pay for them.
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