I was at an LGA event on Tuesday called ‘Changing
behaviours in Public Health – to nudge or to shove?’ (See #LGAcwb
on Twitter.) It certainly sparked my
enthusiasm by showing how public health has been embraced by local authorities
around the country, and how areas like Wigan and Hertfordshire seem to have
successfully engaged wider partners, such as dentists and pharmacists, as well
as getting councillors and council officers on board with the wider public health agenda. These are all things I feel we could do much
better in Dorset.
However, as usually happens with me, I saw things very much
in light of what I’ve been reading and thinking about recently.
Claire
McDonald spoke persuasively and openly about mobilising private interests
to advance public health causes – mentioning Unilever’s
initiative to boost handwashing (and/or use of Lifebuoy soap?) and her own
initiative to prompt women to tell their GP ASAP (As
Soon As You’re Pregnant).
I could feel myself bristling, simply because I have a
natural suspicion of the profit motive.
However, given that we don’t have a nationalised food industry (although
many public health professionals certainly aren’t comfortable with private food
companies), I can’t help but accept that the market is perfectly capable of
providing good things, and often efficiently.
If we want to wash our hands
more often, and this is a good thing, what’s wrong with a company finding a
niche (and some money) in this?
The workshop discussion on alcohol policy also raised the
same issues of whether industry has a legitimate role to play, featuring Emily Robinson from Alcohol Concern alongside Elaine Hindal from Drinkaware
(funded by the industry) and (much more open about his industry links) Henry
Ashworth from the Portman Group.*
This discussion didn’t quite lead to the clear argument
I experienced at last year’s DrugScope conference (perhaps an indication that
Henry and Elaine pitched their message better to the audience than Mark Baird
did there), but there was certainly some scepticism from those in the room as
to whether the industry could really foster a healthier drinking culture (a
straw poll revealed almost unanimous support for ‘shoves’ over ‘nudges’).
Now here’s my hobby horse (for this week). I’ve been thinking about neoliberalism
(resubmitting an academic article) – the point being that certain
policy options around alcohol seem unthinkable because of the dominance of this
‘mentality of government’, when in fact they’ve been in place at various times
and places in history. Reading Intoxication and
Society I was struck by the example from James Brown
of schemes that pre-date the Central
Control Board or Gothenburg
System by hundreds of years – where government took the profit motive away
from those running drinking venues, so that they didn’t have a reason to sell
people more alcohol.**
Given that very few councils
have introduced Early Morning Restriction Orders (EMROs) or Late Night Levies,
it’s no surprise municipal pubs aren’t on the agenda.
But this isn’t all about the need to abolish the profit
motive surrounding something that is ‘no
ordinary commodity’. Canada also had
a comparable system of retail regulation, analysed in a new book by Dan
Malleck: Try to
Control Yourself. Unfortunately,
I haven’t read it yet (but consider this me proposing myself as a reviewer to
any journal that will have me). However,
I have read the (free) review
in Brewery History by Matthew
Bellamy. The review questions Dan’s
argument that the regulation was a key element in reshaping Canada’s drinking
culture such that, in Bellamy’s words, ‘Controlling oneself and drinking
moderately continues to define an important part of what it means to be
Canadian’ – in contrast with the situation before Prohibition in 1916, when ‘It
seemed as though there were only two types of Canadians . . . those who drank
to excess and those who did not touch a drop’.
Let’s set aside for the moment the point that immediately
occurs to me, which is that, unhelpfully, we often have a similar (but
mistaken) understanding of alcohol consumption in the UK today.
Bellamy’s critique of Try
to Control Yourself is that actually the culture change isn’t all about the
regulation. It’s also about the
brewers. (He’s writing in a journal
called Brewery History, after
all.) Having an (economic, profit-based)
interest in temperance not winning the day, they found that they could embrace
the model of the responsible ‘citizen-drinker’ the Liquor Control Board of
Ontario envisaged.
You can see the same sort of motive operating in other times
and places – Chris Routledge
makes the point that the creation of the fantastic Philharmonic
Dining Rooms (and other Cain’s pubs) in Liverpool was a deliberate move to
generate a sense of respectability around drinking, enhancing its social,
cultural – and therefore political and economic – capital.
And there are lessons in this commercial dynamic for us
today. Not only is the industry a
legitimate stakeholder in alcohol policy formulation, but it’s not a monolith. In the
debate around MUP, some organisations were in favour, others opposed – the
divisions weren’t always neatly predictable, and some companies shifted their
positions.
In Bellamy’s interpretation, it’s the brewers who put the
pressure on the hotel [pub] managers to run things smoothly. However, this needn’t be the dynamic today.
To bring us back to the LGA conference, in the alcohol
workshop discussion, there was little mention of on-licensees. Where retailers were concerned, ASDA was
mentioned, but most of the discussion was implicitly focused on the producers
that fund the Portman Group – perhaps because this organisation is more open
about its industry links, whereas Drinkaware is less directly the CSR arm of its
myriad of funders (including plenty of organisations with on-trade interests,
such as Admiral Taverns, JD Wetherspoon’s, Punch Taverns and Marston’s, for
example).
To be fair, Henry mentioned schemes such as Best Bar None, and there’s plenty of work local authorities
and public health teams have already done with such initiatives and more,
working with the on-trade. However, I’d
suggest that if we’re looking for innovative ways to change drinking cultures,
there’s more that can be done.*** There
is serious mileage in Henry’s proposal for encouraging the ‘nudge’ of house
wines being weaker, for example. And in
the context of Claire’s enthusiastic (or pragmatic?) embrace of Unilever and Merck/MSD as partners for public
health change, the idea of having to shove the industry seemed
dispiriting. (Of course, we could come
back to the idea that, unlike Lifebuoy soap, alcohol is no ordinary commodity,
but then neither are pharmaceuticals.)
Thinking about culture change locally, the alcohol policy
options that have been pursued in the past, and the possibility of harnessing
private enterprise to benefit public health, it’s not so much the producers who
are worth targeting as the retailers – and, I would argue, the on trade
specifically. This is particularly the
case in the LGA context, when licensing (as opposed to MUP or taxation) is in
the hands of local authorities.
The reason I think there’s more opportunity to engage the
on-trade, if we’re interested in changing cultures around alcohol, is that the on-trade
is no longer overwhelmingly reliant on the trade in alcohol. That is, to some extent the situation
produced by state regulation in Carlisle or Gothenburg has come about
organically. Although it’s an unusual
case, I believe the majority of the turnover these days in student unions such
as Bournemouth’s is on food and soft drinks including coffee and tea, rather
than alcoholic drinks.
In the case of handwashing, Unilever have an interest in
selling soap, but public health professionals want to encourage people to use
soap, so working together seems plausible.
In the case of the on-licensed trade, the mix today is such that the
interest in profit doesn’t need to be an interest in selling (only) alcohol –
and so there may be a potential overlap between the licensee’s interests and
public health.
There are of course several issues with this claim. Most importantly, not all venues have the same model, and it’s
those which are the most dominated by selling alcohol at the moment that are
most likely to worry public health teams – and they’ll also be the least likely
to have common ground. However, the
converse point is to look at research like this
(by Adrian Barton) and see that
‘pre-loading’ often happens in part because drinkers don’t like the option they’re
being provided with by such venues, particularly early in the evening. And yet drinking at home isn’t always the
best idea either from the perspective of government and public health, as an
uncontrolled environment with little precision around units. Might one potentially beneficial outcome for
both public health professionals and local licensees be to encourage people it’s better down the pub – or at
least certain pubs?
There are also wider challenges in shaping the policymaking
context. The argument that the brewers
in Canada were in favour of the responsible ‘citizen drinker’ depends to some
extent on the spectre of temperance and prohibition, when, as Brian
Harrison put it, the world of temperance can seem a long way away, with ‘unfamiliar
arguments and forgotten attitudes’. And
yet for such a faraway movement it provided the policymaking context for the drinking
laws that were in operation when Harrison was writing and, in slightly altered
form, for the rest of the 20th century. One can trace the influence of such
campaigning even if none of the key demands are met.
Similarly, organisations like Alcohol Concern can see
themselves as providing a counterbalance to the drinks industry, and helping to
shape the terms of the debate and possibilities seen by government, merely by
being part of public discussions. Andrew
Barr suggests that the formation of the Portman Group itself was a response
to an emergent neo-temperance movement.
Thinking of Alcohol Concern as a counterbalance as a
positive development sits somewhat at odds with my
previous complaint of the zero-sum, realpolitik of the two apparently
opposing sides in alcohol policy debates – though to be fair I did talk about
the ideal dream world where different stakeholders come together for open and
honest debate with their different perspectives...
But rather than this pessimism, I’d rather end in the same
vein as I began: extolling another potential opportunity for innovative, helpful
public health work. Now would seem as
good a time as any to think about how the on-trade could be encouraging public
health. Although there’s been good work
so far, the opportunities for development are plentiful: as well as offering an
alternative to pre-loading in city centres, the idea of the pub as the hub will resonate in
more rural areas, enhancing social capital (and therefore health). In such a world, the industry doesn’t sound an
amoral product of the profit motive.
Maybe I am converted to public-private partnership… (Well, not quite yet.)
If you’re aware of interesting, effective work already going
on please let me know. As far as I'm aware, the sort of development I'm proposing doesn't seem to have been a feature of Community Alcohol Partnerships, for example, but if things are happening that would keep the fire of my enthusiasm (and envy) burning a little longer...
*In a shameless act of self-promotion, here’s
the link to my previous post on this issue – and here it is in a
more public forum.
**For those who don’t know about these schemes, I can’t
recommend highly enough reading about them in, for example, James Nicholls’ The
Politics of Alcohol or Paul
Jennings’ The
Local.
***This raises the question of whether we actually want to
change drinking cultures, and whether this is a legitimate aim of public
policy. I’m not actually sure, but for
this article it’s taken as read because it’s clearly a current public health
aim. And, as I mention, there is
something to be said for the industry representing its own interests and public
health representing its own. They might
sometimes overlap, but they won’t always and that’s why it’s useful and interesting
to hear both perspectives.
Public Health will hate co-operating with the 'industry', to use its term of the multiple players and networks in the alcohol supply chain.
ReplyDeleteIt is much more emotionally satisfying for social change advocates to fall into absolutism and total opposition. Nothing like having a good enemy to fight! This avoids having to hold nuanaced and sophisticated views.
I think there's a distinction here between local public health teams and the aims of broader lobbyists. (I've written about the dangers of the latter slipping into a polarised debate here: http://thinking-to-some-purpose.blogspot.co.uk/2013/06/public-health-realpolitik.html) Local authorities tend to be quite in favour of local industry and have a decent record of working closely with local businesses, including in the night-time economy. There's certainly no aversion to working together where there's shared interests (e.g. in reducing regulation: http://t.co/HsC21QjdnN). And if public health teams are genuinely integrated into local authorities, as I suggest is possible, this sort of work could be on the cards...
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